Although born in the Irish Republic and technically an Irish citizen, I am not pro-republican but, rather, against what I have long taken to be a manifestation of the divide-and-rule policy of the English which manifests in the division of the green (catholic) from the orange (dissenter) by the white (anglican) in the Irish tricolour, and which precludes, through this division, the possibility of Irish unity.
It was always going to be only a matter of time before the republican socialist aspirations of the Irish Free State or, more correctly, the leaders of the 1916 Uprising would be eclipsed, following the somewhat Spartan birth of the Republic, by a quasi-state-hegemonic sell-out to the capitalist powers of the Anglo-American axis and its WASPish distaste for such aspirations, never mind implementations.
But the contemporary Republic, whilst it may be Anglo-Irish in character, has only succeeded, through greed and mismanagement, in making a hash of its capitalist pretensions, thereby exchanging one failure for another and compounding what was already an economically untenable not to say perilous situation by falling between the two stools of the ‘special relationship’ of the Anglo-American alliance on the one hand and the German-dominated European Union on the other hand, neither of which can be expected to offer a long-term solution to the perilous economic predicament in which the Irish Republic now finds itself.
For Europe and America actually pull in opposite directions, and Ireland is caught in the middle and effectively torn apart by conflicting interests – the largely political interests of the Franco-German alliance within the European Union and the mainly economic interests of Britain at loggerheads with Europe within the Anglo-American alliance.
Ireland is not only schizoid in relation to the North, to the six counties of the Province of Ulster which technically fall within the United Kingdom, but is also divided against itself within the so-called South, the Republic of Ireland, whose twenty-six counties (including the 3 from Ulster outside Northern Ireland) remain torn between the socialist aspirations of the anti-Treaty faction (epitomized by Sinn Fein and what is now Fianna Fail) and the pro-capitalist ‘real politik’ of the pro-Treaty faction (including what is now Fine Gael), though one might be forgiven, these days, for not detecting any great enthusiasm for republican socialism within all but Sinn Fein and the more radical Independents or convinced Socialists, some of whom are avowedly Marxist.
But the horns of the dilemma that divides the Republic only makes it more likely that latter-day Ireland will tear itself apart unless offered the prospect of a new ideology which, not being about the consolidation of one kind of worldliness or another, socialist or capitalist, republican or parliamentary, catholic or protestant, female or male, is rather about an end to the world and its ethnic divisions through the establishment and development of an otherworldly alternative which, were it to transpire, and do so with the People’s democratic consent, would represent the overcoming of republicanism, in all its forms, and the institutionalization, under Social Theocracy, the ideology in question, of what I call the Centre, a politico-religious concept germane to my interpretation of ‘Kingdom Come’ and an end, in consequence, not only to state divisions and antagonisms, but to church divisions and antagonisms also, and even to the state/church dichotomy that can manifest in either church-hegemonic/state-subordinate axial terms, as with Catholic-derived republicanism, or state-hegemonic/church-subordinate axial terms, as with Protestant-derived capitalism, thereby signifying an Irish/British, South/North type division within Ireland between politics and economics, republicanism and parliamentarianism on the one hand, that of politics, and socialism and capitalism on the other hand, that of economics.
Progress cannot now – if ever it could before – be achieved in either of these antithetical terms, and that is why a new ideology, effectively synthetic in character, is absolutely necessary for putting an end to the divisive dilemma confronting Ireland in this time of crisis both internally and externally, in the recession-rocked world at large.
Social Theocracy can put an end to the divide-and-rule policy which afflicts the Republic, as of Irish Republicanism in general, but to do so it will need the support of the majority Irish people in order that church-hegemonic/state-subordinate criteria can be stepped up (resurrected) in a way and to a degree that could result in the deliverance of the lapsed Catholic, fundamentally republican socialist masses from their specific kind of worldly plight, itself divisible between chemical and pseudo-physical, political and pseudo-economic gender positions, to positions in metaphysics and pseudo-metachemistry, religion and pseudo-science, commensurate with a Social Theocratic mode and degree of salvation and counter-damnation that the continuing rule of metachemistry and pseudo-metaphysics, science and pseudo-religion, ‘in back’ of their worldliness (and germane to the apex of the other, i.e. state-hegemonic axis) signally precludes from transpiring.
Only the effective rejection of that through the utilization of the democratic process to a religiously-sovereign end can allow for the deliverance of the relevant masses to a full complement of metaphysics and pseudo-metachemistry, and thereby enable them to gain release not only from their particular kind of worldly bondage, as much now given to pseudo-crime as formerly to sin, but also from the netherworldly and effectively ungodly freedoms that prey upon it to a capitalist end achieved at their financial and social, not to say moral and spiritual (soulful) expense.
However, for this to happen it is not enough that the tricolour should be replaced by the Supercross (coupled to pseudo-Superstar) of Social Theocracy; that which has the re-unification of Ireland in mind on this non-republican basis must also look towards the prospect of a union, federal or otherwise, with Scotland, and thus to the expansion of Social Theocracy to include not only Irish and Scots-Irish, but, no less significantly, Scots and Irish-Scots, as the necessary prelude to the further development, enhancement, expansion, or whatever, of the ideology in question and its determination to overcome, through a synthesizing process, the ethnic disunity that has resulted from the divide-and-rule policy of England.
That is why I am not pro-republican and why the ‘ourselves alone’ doctrine has nothing in common with Social Theocracy, least of all when, due to Northern or other pressures, it paradoxically takes a Social Democratic form more congenial, if truth be told, to the nadir of state-hegemonic axial criteria than to anything resembling a new and ultimate church – a ‘church’ to end all churches which would necessarily have the capacity, in the state-like aspect of the Centre, to govern itself or, rather, to serve the religiously sovereign in the best interests of the Centre as a whole. For the Centre transcends all state/church dichotomies in its otherworldly absolutism and is therefore commensurate, so I contend, with ‘Kingdom Come’.